Why I Am Not a (Neo)Liberal

Why I Am Not a (Neo)Liberal

On March 6, 1927 Bertrand Russell gave a talk entitled “Why I Am Not a Christian”, which was later published as an, highly influential and very recommendable, opuscule (ISBN 0-671-20323-1).

I always wanted to write a book and call it “Why I Am not a Liberal”. Well, somebody could say I am in fact pretty liberal regarding my life and morals, but that is not the point. When I say I am not a liberal I am referring to the political and economic doctrine known as liberalism and, more specifically, to neo-liberalism, which, to a certain extent, is in fact quite a different thing.

Well, of course, the problem here is that, not being an economist, it would be quite hard for me writing an entire book on the subject, which would certainly be a worthless piece of work anyway. Therefore, it may come as a relief for you to learn that, thanks gods, such a book will never come to existence, or, at least, not having my name among the authors. All I can offer you is this call-it-what-you-better-please.

At this point, someone could be thinking that the first sentence is completely unconnected, except for the structure of the tittle, to the matter of this essay and thus this must be another example of vain pseudo-erudition just to show that the author of this lines is acquainted with the work of the British philosopher. However, I believe and will try to demonstrate here that this is not exactly the case. I do find a connection between neo-liberalism and religion and I have christened this connection with the apparently paradoxical name of  “magical dogmatism”. Paradoxical, you have guessed it, because how comes that liberalism, being itself so intrinsically liberal, can be at the same time and at once “magical” and “dogmatic”? I will try to explain.

Neo-liberalism is a doctrine which is based upon the assumption of the existence of an abstract notion, being, body or entity called “The Market”. Up to here there is nothing to object, since the concept of market can be as useful an interpretative category as any other. The problem with categories comes when one tries to push their boundaries too far, to such an extent that a given category is no longer an interpretative tool but becomes something more like a dogma of faith. And that is exactly what happens to the market as soon as one starts to assign magical attributes to it.

Thus, from a (neo)liberal point of view the market has a number of magical features the most remarkable of which consists on being “self-regulatory”. This magical property makes of a “free” market a system in perfect equilibrium governed by mysterious and yet scientific laws which are like some sort of nature forces continuously acting to restore balance. The legend goes on by telling us that a market is such a perfect a system that just one thing on earth can induce severe and harmful unbalance. The name of this evil is of course “public intervention”.

Without the evil forces of public intervention acting upon it, the freed market, and therefore the world, would be a perfect system. Yes, the world, because the second most remarkable magical attribute of the market is that if it is happy and healthy the entire world (each and everyone of us) will also be happy and healthy.  Wouldn’t it be nice?

This tale would be a beautiful one if it was not because it has been empirically contradicted a large number of times. Evil forces would tend to claim that this contradiction is in fact noticeable virtually every day. But, of course, evil forces are evil and they are always trying to mislead people.

What really happens, according to neoliberal believers, is that the market has never been allowed to operate freely because the evil forces of public intervention are always acting upon it at different levels. These interferences generate unbalance in the market and this unbalance has the awful consequences on world’s happiness we can notice just by reading the news or checking the state of our savings account.

The most recent example of this contradiction is the financial crisis we are just going through. But, hold on a second, this crisis has been palliated by means of public intervention, just by injecting billions of public funds into the private finance system. Well, always according to the doctrine elaborated by the neoliberal priests, this was the fair thing to do. Because if the evil public intervention is guilty of constantly generating unbalance, public intervention should help to correct the consequences of its own sins. “Les Etats sont comme des pompiers qui doivent éteindre les incendies puis rentrer dans leurs casernes” in the words of Philippe Manière.

Neoliberal dogmas nowadays implicitly or explicitly impregnate almost every economic analysis. Even criticism coming from the left wing is more and more often a mystification between well known left-wing dogmas and common places and neoliberal dogmas.

Those few who are still intellectually reluctant to the influx of neoliberalism tend to consider those magical characteristics or attributes in the neoliberal concept of market just as ideological constructs. Ideological construct lacking any empirical support or intellectual rigour whatsoever. For the large corporations, it is just a convenient doctrine in which they neither believe nor practice but preach to and enforce upon others because these dogmas serve well their interests. For the rest of us, it is just a ridiculous form of superstition as any other.

Rational planning is a direct consequence of the ability of anticipating the future based upon probabilities and extrapolations. Any living being tries to anticipate the future and makes plans as far as it is allowed by the complexity of its brain.

We do plan our education, we plan our careers, we plan our retirement, we plan our family, we plan our investments, we even plan our free time. A scientist carefully plans his experiments in the laboratory. And, as we plan, we have to establish priorities and so we say this objective is more important, this is less important, this is an absolute priority, I can live without B but not without A, etc.

Companies and large corporations are not an exception to the rule. They probably do more plannings than any other entity. When they say they are against public intervention it is not entirely true. What they mean is just that they want the Government to obey and serve their interest blindly and without questioning, but they do not want the Government to have its own agenda if this agenda it is in contraction with the objectives of the corporate system. However, often it happens that the interests of the public, the interests of the majority, are in fact in contradiction with the interests of the corporate system. Whose interests should then the Government serve? Whose interests are they actually serving?

In a democracy, the role of the Government should be to regulate the economy and the market for the benefit of the most. Pragmatism and rationalism, not dogmatism should guide its action.

There are not absolute values. The market is not self-regulated, it needs to be regulated (without asphyxiating private initiative). What is good for the market (we are now using market as as synonym of the corporate system, just as they do) is not always good for the citizen. Private property is not always better than public property (we are contradicting here the third foundational dogma of neoliberalism). What is good today may not be good tomorrow. What is good for country A may not be good for country B.

We have to regulate the economy according to our good sense, scientific principles, rigorous intellectual analysis and our own priorities. Neither right-wing nor left-wing dogmatism is going to help us. To this respect, neoliberalism is nowadays the most harmful economical and political superstition (if only, because it is the most widespread). In this regard, the policies progressively enforced by the European Commission, a non-democratic institution, upon the Member States are being particularly damaging.

We can not trust the market because, like God, it does not really exist such a thing (and even if it existed it was not going not help us). What it exist is just private interest (profit) which is sometimes in contradiction with public interest (welfare). Therefore, the market will not manage what is really important fur us better than we, the public, can do it. For instance, for me, health care should be public, education should be public, pensions should be public. We are progressively loosing control on all this and we need to fight to regain it.

Los Pájaros

Liçoẽs de gastronomia galega

Liçoẽs de gastronomia galega

RECEITA I: O pior dos decretos possíveis


Ingredientes:

1) Um José María Aznar
2) Um feixe de caverna madrilena
3) Uma pisca de Galicia Bilingüe (y olé)
4) Um palerma qualquer da universidade com mais ambições do que
talento/personalidade
5) Um candidato do PP do Opus que talvez precise do voto franquista
para ganhar as eleições
6) Duas ou três sucursais provinciais da caverna madrilena (tipo Club
Financiero de Vigo ou, a falta doutra cousa, panfletos tipo La Voz de
Galicia ou Faro de Vigo podem servir perfeitamente)

Tempo de preparação:
4-6 anos

Procedimento:

Colhemos o José María Aznar e, sem rasurar-lhe o mostacho, damos-lhe
uma maioria absoluta para que vaia colocando nos postos mais altos do
Partido Popular os seus amigotes franquistas e outros mafiosos. Ao
mesmo tempo, vamos financiando a caverna madrilena e criamos todo tipo
de fundações e meios de comunicações afins que servam os nossos
interesses para controlar o partido e, se for possível, EjpaÑa
inteira. Mandamos Fraga dormir ao Senado e, numa frigideira mais
pequena, aparte, decapitamos Cuínha, Cacharro, Palmou e outros e
jogamo-los no lixo (preferentemente também Baltar, ainda que, cuidado,
esse é um osso especialmente duro de roer). Ao tempo que vamos
reduzindo essa zaragalhada, apanhamos uns porros, o mais do Opus que
pudermos encontrar, e vamos fazendo um caldo de Feijoo. Os porros do
Opus, como é sabido, vão-lhe dar ao caldo esse toque râncido tão
genuinamente Espanhol. Duma costela direita de Santa Teresa de Jesús,
criamos Galicia Bilingue, que financiamos bem financiadinha para
temperar o caldo. Toda vez chegado o caldo ao ponto de “Xunta”
(ajudando-nos dos panfletos provinciais), recrutamos um parlerma
universitário do PSOE com mais ambições políticas do que luzes. O
ponto justo na elaboraço dum decreto etnocida, sempre desde o mais
escrupuloso rigor acadêmico, não se pode explicar numa receita. É uma
arte. Cumprem séculos de experiência para achar esse ponto, esse
equilibrio, extacto. É um jogo de malabares. Por uma parte cumpre
deixar patente a supremacia e necesidade do castelhano e a
inferioridade e contingência do galego, mas sem aniquilar directamente
este último. O galego deve-se deixar reduzir a lume lento, sempre
ficando claro que é a sua extinção deve-se ao libérrimo alvedrio dos
pais e nunca a um programa político gestado desde há séculos no mais
lúgubre da caverna madrilena (e sucursais provinciais). O inglês é
moderno, funcional, liberal e ajuda a modular o sabor rançoso que
sempre tem o caldo de Feijão com porros do Opus. A ligação deste prebe
tudo por vezes semelha impossível, dependendo da textura do
professorado. Não desesperem, é apenas questão de tempo. Mas, lembrem,
sempre tudo muito técnico, acadêmico, sem “política”.

Paulo Bragança – Sou galego

Paulo Bragança – Sou galego

 

 

Das terras da Rosalia às terras de Miguel Torga
percorre o ar a cantiga que todo o povo recorda,
das Beiras a Trás-os-Montes, dos rios Mondego ao Minho
o perfume da Galiza, de giesta e flor de pinho.

Mil anos do mesmo sangue num passado sem fronteiras,
o fumo das chaminés nas memórias das aldeias;
gaita de foles Galega, Adufeiras da Idanha.
Cantamos em Mirandês, lingua que não nos é estranha.

Sou Galego, ai, sou Galego,
sou Galego até ao Mondego,
moiro escuro t’arrenego
da Galiza até ao Mondego.

Vindimamos o suor por tradição e castigo;
são irmãs no seu destino, rias de Aveiro e de Vigo.
E há tanto calor humano ao redor de uma fogueira,
à lareira vinho tinto, requeijão, broa caseira.

E a guitarra de Coimbra, gaita de foles Galega
são os sons da nossa alma aos quais o Norte se apega;
caminhos de Santiago, trilhos, veredas, clareiras,
cantamos ao desafio ao fim da tarde nas eiras.

Sou Galego, ai, sou Galego,
sou Galego até ao Mondego,
moiro escuro t’arrenego
da Galiza até ao Mondego.

Sou Galego, ai, sou Galego,
sou Galego até ao Mondego,
moiro escuro t’arrenego
da Galiza até ao Mondego.

 

Installing HPLIP 3.9.10 in Ubuntu Karmic Koala in order to obtain support for the HP Deskjet F2480 Series

The HP F2480 is a new and very minimalistic all-in-one printer which is not supported by the HPLIP drivers preinstalled in Ubuntu 9.10 (HPLIP 3.9.8). Therefore in order to obtain full support for this printer one needs to install the freshly released HPLIP 3.9.10. This is not very difficult, but not entirely straightforward:

0) Uninstall any previous packages related to HPLIP (Synaptic or PackageKit or apt-get or aptitude are your friends).

1) Download the installation file: $ wet -c http://prdownloads.sourceforge.net/hplip/hplip-3.9.10.run

2) Make the file executable $ chmod +x hplip-3.9.10.run

3) Run it $ ./hplip-3.9.10.run

4) At the first prompt in the interactive console press “q” in order to abort the installation. This was just to extract the installation folder.

5) $ cd hplip-3.9.10

6) ./configure –libdir=/usr/lib64 –prefix=/usr –enable-qt4 –enable-doc-build –enable-cups-ppd-install –enable-foomatic-drv-install –enable-foomatic-ppd-install –enable-hpijs-install –enable-policykit –enable-cups-drv-install –enable-hpcups-install –enable-network-build –enable-dbus-build –enable-scan-build –enable-fax-build –enable-foomatic-rip-hplip-install

7) At this point you will probably get some error messages informing you of missing dependencies. You have to figure out how to install them (Synaptic or PackageKit or apt-get or aptitude are your friends). Most likely you will also need the corresponding development packages. In my case, there was snmp, lipcups, libusb and sane-related stuff. Install all you need and go back to step 6 as many times as required until the configuration is completed without errors.

8 ) $ make

9) $ sudo make install

10) Make sure that the regular user(s) willing to use the printer and/or the scanner are members of the lpadmin and/or saned groups, respectively. If there were not, you may need to logout or reboot for these changes to take effect (it was not required in my case).

11) $ sudo hp-setup

12) Follow the on-screen instructions.

Hieroglífico

Hieroglífico.

 

 

 

 

 

Solução: A supremacia do castelhano sobre o galego.

DVD player and subtitles

Often, one has a movie in AVI format or the like and wants to play it on a DVD player. Often one wants to add subtitles. In order to do that, in a modern DVD player, one has to just put the AVI file, say film.avi and the subtitle file, say film.srt in the same folder in a CD, DVD or USB drive. Both files should have exactly the same name, apart from the extension.

My DVD player sometimes recognises the subtitles and sometimes it does not At the beginning, I though it could be a problem with the subtitles format or even of the name of the file, which eventually may contain spaces or non-standard characters. However, I have just found out that, in fact, this is not the problem. The problem is related to character encoding. Most subtitle formats are plain text files. However, the encoding may be different. My DVD player appears to recognise only the ISO-8859-1 and US-ASCII character sets.

In order to convert you text file to ASCII or ISO-8859 you may first need to figure out what is the original character set:

$ file -i film.srt

film.srt: text/plain charset=utf-16

In this case the file has been encoded using the UTF-16 charset, which, apparently, is quite different from ASCII.

In order to convert it, we can use several Linux utilities such as iconv:

$ iconv -f UTF-16 -t ASCII film_old.srt > film.srt

If you need to find out which formats are recognised by iconv you can use:

$ iconv -l

Alternatively, most plain-text editors will allow you to chose among several character encoding options when saving a file.

Do not forget to give identical names to the video and subtitles files before writing them to a DVD, CD or USB pendrive.

If you wish, you can also embed the subtitles in the video, instead of having them as a separate file. This has two drawbacks: 1) You will not have the option not to display the subtitles; and 2) This requires recoding the video, which takes some time. However, recoding may be good to ensure that your DVD player will be able to correctly display the video and play the audio. Most DVD players have codecs for MPEG4 video and MP3 audio (unfortunately, both are proprietary formats).If you chose to recode, you can use mencoder:

$ mencoder -sub film.srt film.avi -ovc lavc -lavcopts vcodec=mpeg4:vhq:vbitrate=1000 -oac mp3lame -lameopts br=256:vol=1 -ffourcc DIVX -o film_with_subtitles.avi

However, this will not work unless a font type is configured in your mplayer configuration directory, for instance:

$ ln -s /usr/share/fonts/truetype/ttf-dejavu/DejaVuSans.ttf ~/.mplayer/subfont.ttf

You can also use the options “-subpos 95" and/or “-subfont-text-scale 3″ in order to control the position and the size of the font, respectively.

Obviously, if you do not wish to embed the subtitles, just omit the “-sub film.srt film.avi” option.

If you feel more confortable with a graphical interface, the program Avidemux is relatively straightforward.

Yet a third option would be to create a real video DVD from your video file. The program DeVeDe provides you an easy way to create a proper DVD with menus and subtitles. This takes time and requires plenty of space, but it will ensure full compatibility, quality and configurability.

Finally, you may need to synchronise your subtitles before using them. In Linux, there are several subtitle editors which make this task easy.

Rosa Díez, en sentido peyorativo

Rosa Díez, en sentido peyorativo

La Diputada española Sra. Doña Rosa Díez González (UPyD), telefonista de profesión, vino a Coruña invitada por el Club Financiero para hablar de los Presupuestos Generales del Estado, tal vez, en su calidad de experta en finanzas públicas. Como buen político profesional, habló un poco de todo y poco de lo que se suponía que nos iba a hablar. Entre otras cosas, también dedicó unas palabras al presidente de la Junta de Galicia, Sr. Alberto Núñez Feijóo del que afirmó, con la toda la naturalidad del mundo, que “no se puede ser cobarde, hay que hacer lo que se prometió. Sin embargo, Feijóo está ahí, en el medio. Para mí está siendo demasiado gallego, en el sentido peyorativo del término. Comentario que logró levantar algunas risas y aplausos en el auditorio.

No ha habido, que se sepa, hasta ahora, ninguna reacción oficial del Gobierno de la Junta de Galicia ni de su presidente ante estas curiosas declaraciones. Todo lo más, algún artículo de opinión en la prensa escrita, entre los que destacaremos el humorístico de Anxel Vence en Faro de Vigo y el poético de Manuel Rivas en El País, y una oleada de indignación entre los internautas.

Nosotros, por nuestra parte, queremos felicitar y agradecer, en castellano, contra lo que es costumbre en este humilde blog, a la señora Díez por estas reveladoras declaraciones.

Reveladoras por partida doble. Por una parte, reveladoras de una concepción, tal vez inconsciente pero profundamente arraigada, supremacista, xenófoba y hasta nos atreveríamos a decir que racista contra el pueblo gallego. Concepción ésta que empapa toda la cultura española de arriba abajo y de abajo arriba hasta llegar al diccionario de la Real Academia Española, que se niega a eliminar completamente las definciones oprobiosas del término “gallego”.

Por otra parte, y mucho más significativos en nuestra opinión, son los silencios gubernamental y mediático (¿dónde queda aquello del “Yo protesto”?) y los aplausos y las risotadas del público.

Imaginemos por ejemplo que viniese a Madrid, invitado para dar una conferencia, un diputado electo de la República Francesa y, como quien no quiere la cosa, nos espetase aquello de que “Zapatero para mí está siendo demasiado español, en el sentido peyorativo del término” (que también lo tiene). Creemos que a nadie le cabe la menor duda de que la crisis diplomática estaría asegurada y que sólo podría zanjarse con una intervención pública convincente del presidente de la República Francesa. Hasta los más críticos con la gestión de Zapatero, como aquellos que lo denigran a diario en tertulias radiofónicas, por ejemplo, pondrían el grito en el cielo para defender la honra los españoles, de España y de su presidente.

En Galicia nada de eso ha ocurrido. Risas, aplausos y silencio. Cómo somos. ¿Qué estarían pensado, entre carcajada y carcajada, los que aplaudían? ¿Qué ellos no son gallegos? O que son gallegos pero no “en exceso”, como parece ocurrirle a Feijóo. O tal vez que, entre que el palo va y viene, descansa el lomo. Porque, bueno, tal vez nosotros también nos hubiésemos reído. ¿Quién sabe? Los gallegos somos así. Pero después de reírnos a gusto hubiésemos procurado afearle el gesto racista a Díez. Nadie lo hizo.

Y ante tales inhibiciones no podemos evitar que nos venga a la cabeza el famoso Portrait du colonisé, précédé du portrait du colonisateur (Buchet/Chastel, 1957), del escritor franco-tunecino Albert Memmi. Sí, porque el ilustre auditorio del Club Financiero estaba cometiendo, sin darse cuenta, el mismo pecado que Díez acababa de achacar a Feijóo y que no es otro que el de ser demasiado gallegos.

De donde se deduce que Díez, en realidad, tiene razón. Pero, ¿en qué consiste esa galleguidad que nos reprocha Díez? ¿De donde viene? A los que encuentren una respuesta clara a estas preguntas les recomendamos que se lean el opúsculo supracitado y todas sus dudas se aclararán ipso facto. Los más despistados se estarán preguntando aún qué puede saber un escritor tunecino de Galicia. Probablemente poco o nada. Lo que hizo Memmi fue describir el perfil psicológico de los pueblos colonizados y, les ruego encarecidamente que no me crean y que lo comprueben ustedes mismos leyendo la obra de Memmi, de hecho, este perfil corresponde con asombrosa exactitud, no sólo con el concepto de galleguidad insinuado por Díez, si no, además, y muy especialmente, con la actitud del auditorio del Club Financiero y del Gobierno de la Junta de Galicia.

En efecto, en fases avanzadas de colonialismo, nos explica Memmi, el colonizado asume plenamente, de manera inconsciente, los valores del colonizador, se ve a sí mismo a través de los ojos del colonizador. El colonizado asume, pues, su propia inferioridad intrínseca, su indignidad. Este auto-odio es profundamente antinatural, pues perjudicaría evolutivamente a quién lo padeciese y, por lo tanto, sólo puede ser explicado como una patología profunda, un grave trauma, que nace de prolongados periodos de opresión, dependencia y sometimiento.

Las declaraciones de Díez y la reacción de la audiencia nos explican, pues, con fotográfica precisión y enorme elocuencia, de dónde venimos, quiénes somos y cuáles son las relaciones estructurales entre Galicia y España.

Una vez más, gracias.

Para terminar, le pediríamos a la señora Díez que reflexione sobre todo esto la próxima vez que, con la sana intención de atacar al PNV, se disponga a criticar alegremente la figura de su fundador Sabino Arana. Por lo menos Arana era plenamente consciente de su ideología racista y supremacista y la explicitaba abiertamente (era la moda intelectual de la época). Además, no es descabellado imaginar que Arana tendría el suficiente pudor, educación e inteligencia política para no insultar a una audiencia que lo hubiese invitado, con gastos pagados, a venir a arengarnos con su propaganda política. Díez, por su parte, ha demostrado, además de racista, ser maleducada y desagradecida, por lo que suponemos que no tiene la más mínima intención de pedir disculpas (y, por supuesto, lo sabemos, ningún galleguiño colonizado se lo va a exigir).

Para que serve o galego?

Deixo aqui a ligação para uma formosa presentação que anda a circular polos correios electrónicos:

http://koroshiyaitchy.files.wordpress.com/2009/11/para_que_serve_o_galego.pdf

NOTA: O arquivo orginal era um PPT bastante pesado (5 MB). Converti para PDF reduzindo bastante a qualidade e ficou em 1 MB.

A “austeridade” mal endentida ou de como desmantelar a investigação científica na Galiza

Pesquisadores galegos desempregados devido à alegada falta de recursos.

Muitos renunciaram a empregos qualificados no estrangeiro para retornar à Galiza.

O seu sucesso é o seu próprio fracasso. Foram convocados para reforçar a débil estrutura da investigação científica na Galiza, para nutrir os esquálidos grupos existentes ou criar outros novos e torná-los competitivos a nível internacional. Eles criaram novas linhas, dirigiram teses, ensinaram… Cumpriram a finalidade para a qual foram contratados. Em muitos casos, depois de renunciar a empregos qualificados no estrangeiro. Para voltar para casa era necessário uma estadia mínima de dois anos de investigação fora da Galiza, superar um exame de entrada dura e submeter-se quatro avaliações alo longo de cinco anos de contrato. Mesmo  obtiveram a acreditação Manuel Colmeiro expedida pelo governo regional, quem financia os contratos trianuais, que em teoria lhes havia permitir acceder a contratos indefinidos. Mas agora, decepcionados, estão desempregados.

Leia artigo completo em castelhano [PDF].

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